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By Tim Leadbeater

Britain and India, 1845-1947 has been aimed particularly at scholars following the Edexcel standards for this era at AS and A2. It charts the political, advertisement, and cultural dating among India and Britain in this time, detailing how this shifted a result of global wars. There also are chapters masking the increase of nationalism in India and the trail to independence.

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The 1907 Congress was scheduled for Nagpur, a Maratha city and sympathetic to Tilak’s radicals. At the last moment, the moderates switched the venue to Surat, one of their strongholds, which would ensure the president was one of them. Their final tactic was a proposal to change the constitution of Congress so that members would be obliged to accept the objective of selfgovernment within the British Empire. In other words, it would be impossible to be a member of Congress and support radical demands.

The British had promised them some form of independence once the Ottoman Empire was broken up. One such consequence was the creation of an Arab state of Iraq. The British in India were dismayed by this whole-hearted support 50 | Britain and India 1845–1947 for nationalist demands. How could similar demands within India be denied? As a recognition of its sacrifice, but also perhaps in the new mood of nation-building, India was permitted its own representatives at the Imperial War Conference of 1917.

In Jammu and Kashmir province, control was extended further north to the mountainous edges of the Russian and Chinese Empires. This expansion too remains politically sensitive and was the cause of war between India and China in 1962. Finally, and most spectacularly, Curzon became convinced that the Russians were moving into Tibet, an area beyond the Himalaya ruled by Buddhist monks and controlled by China. In 1904, Curzon ordered Sir Francis Younghusband to lead an expedition to investigate. They encountered no Russians and annexed Tibet but only by machine-gunning monks trying to defend their territory.

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