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By William V. Wallace

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Wolchik (eds), Foreign and Domestic Policy in Eastern Europe in the 1 980s , London, Macmillan, 1 9 8 3; and M. McCauley and S. Carter ( eds) , Leadership and Succession in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China , London, Macmillan, 1 986. 3 . Recent opinion polls are still being analysed. Bu t cf. D. S. Mason, Public Opinion and Political Change in Poland 1981-1982, London, Cambridge University Press, 1 9 8 5 . For an interesting discussion of 'economic­ political cycles', see 1. Staniszkis, Poland's Self-limiting Revolution , Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1 984, pp.

Disgruntlement in Eastern Europe is political as well as economic. Internally it is cleverly contained, as in J aruzelski's Poland, or is diverted against external targets, as in Ceau§escu's Romania. In no country, and at no level, is it, or can it be, overtly anti-Soviet. Yet in the five years from 1 981 to the end of 1 985 there were signs of official resentment, too, at Soviet policies. In communiques following specific CMEA and WTO meetings the East European states indicated their firm support for Moscow's stand on nuclear arms and missiles.

Even a coup allegedly attempted by the army in 1 983 had no success in trying to shift Ceau§escu's policies. And encouraging those who farm one-tenth of the land privately is not a reform either. It is a policy expedient, intended to help Romania recover from a disastrous food situation. And it does not use the carrot of profit in the Hungarian fashion, but lays down minimum levels of production over a wide range of products, failure to meet which can result in the loss of private plots. An even more draconian policy is applied in the mines, which have been regimented in face of the miners' discontent and the great coal shortage.

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