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By Paul T. Kennedy, Victor Roudometof

Groups throughout Borders examines the numerous ways that nationwide, ethnic or spiritual teams, professions, companies and cultures have gotten more and more tangled jointly. It express how this entanglement is the results of the immense flows of individuals, meanings, items and funds that now migrate among nations and international areas. Now the effectiveness and value of digital applied sciences for interpersonal conversation (including cyber-communities and the interconnectedness of the worldwide international economic system) concurrently empowers even the poorest humans to forge powerful cultures stretching nationwide borders, and compels many to take action to flee injustice and deprivation.

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Extra info for Communities across Borders: New Immigrants and Transnational Cultures (Transnationalism. Routledge Research in Transnationalism, 5)

Example text

Until recently, they have usually been included in either the category of ‘Yugoslavs’ – since Croatia was a part of federal Yugoslavia until 1991 – or the even larger category of ‘Southern Europeans’. The other reason for the lack of research on Croatians is that the Croatian community in Australia has only recently developed a critical mass of ‘organic intellectuals’, either from the second generation or from the recent wave of migrants. My research deals with the two post-Second World War cohorts of Croatian voluntary migrants (non-refugees).

The interviewees reported that they found the ethnic community based on a common place of origin and ‘common blood’, which Migrant communities and class 35 was already firmly established in Perth when they arrived, incongruous with their feeling of identity. With only two exceptions, they reported having no connections with the life of Croatian churches and clubs. Most of them had visited a Croatian club once or twice but could not find much in common with the 1960s generation of migrants that dominated there.

This feeling is preserved and nurtured among migrants as a ‘culture of nostalgia’ in which the old country appears to be a ‘lost paradise’ (Skrbis‡ 1994: 134–6). In the case of young women, who as a rule migrated only to join their husbands or fiancés, the ‘tragedy of emigration’ was, at least in its initial stages, mitigated by the ‘naturalness’ and joy involved with reuniting with their men. Most of the interviewees from the 1960s cohort reported that they never stopped feeling the longing for the old ‘place’: No, I never felt at home here … my first thought every morning is my old courtyard back home in Blato, it’s an incurable illness, and it’s actually getting worse over time.

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